BULLETIN  NO.  5 


MARCH  15,  1916 


National  Opportunity 
and  Responsibility 

A Sermon  delivered  in  the  Church  of  the  Epiphany, 
Washington,  D.  C. 


By  the  Rector 

The  Rev.  Randolph  H.  McKim,  D.D..  LL.D. 


Thanksgiving  Day 
November  25,  1915 


Copies  of  this  and  other  Bulletins  may  be  had  on  application  to  the 
American  Rights  Committee,  45  Cedar  Street,  New  York  City 


Washington,  D.  C.,  November  28,  1915. 

Rev.  Dr.  Randolph  H.  McKim. 

Rector  Church  of  the  Epiphany 

Dear  Doctor  McKim  : 

So  many  persons  who  were  fortunate  enough  to  hear  your 
eloquent  and  inspiring  sermon  on  Thanksgiving  Day  have  ex- 
pressed a strong  desire  to  see  it  in  print,  that  the  undersigned 
members  of  the  vestry,  and  others,  are  moved  to  request  per- 
mission to  have  it  published  in  pamphlet  form. 

Faithfully  yours, 

Geo.  Truesdell, 

Henry  D.  Fry, 

Mark  F.  Finley, 

A.  R.  Shands, 

C.  N.  Osgood, 

Byron  S.  Adams, 
Nath’l  Wilson. 


National  Opportunity  and  Responsibility. 

“ Let  us  search  and  try  our  ways.”  — Lam.  Ill,  40. 

In  obedience  to  a long-honored  custom,  the  people  of  the 
United  States  are  invited  to  assemble  in  their  places  of  worship 
today  to  render  thanks  and  praise  to  the  Almighty  Father,  the 
giver  of  all  good,  for  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  and  all  the  other 
blessings  of  his  bountiful  providence. 

We  respond  to  the  invitation  with  grateful  hearts.  The 
earth  has  yielded  her  increase  with  prodigality  unexampled, 
perhaps,  since  we  became  a nation.  The  sun  of  prosperity  has 
again  risen  upon  our  land.  Peace  reigns  throughout  our  bor- 
ders, and,  as  the  President  has  reminded  us,  “ our  ample  finan- 
cial resources  have  enabled  us  to  steady  the  markets  of  the 
world.”  For  these  and  other  blessings  it  is  meet  and  right  that 
this  great  nation  with  its  hundred  million  people  should  lift  its 
heart  and  voice  in  devout  thanksgiving  to  Almighty  God. 

But  our  chief  executive  bids  us  consider  today  “ our  duty  to 
ourselves  and  to  mankind,”  and  “ to  ponder  the  many  respon- 
sibilities thrust  upon  us  by  the  great  war  now  being  waged.” 
In  the  same  document  he  speaks  of  our  people  “ realizing  the 
part  they  have  been  called  upon  to  play.” 

My  brethren,  let  us  give  heed  to  this  exhortation.  Let  us 
ask  this  morning,  very  solemnly,  as  we  review  the  history  of 
the  last  fifteen  months,  Have  we  done  our  duty  to  ourselves? 
Have  we  done  our  duty  to  mankind?  Have  we  bravely  met 
the  many  responsibilities  thrust  upon  us  by  this  tremendous 
conflict?  Have  we  nobly  played  the  part  we  have  been  called 
upon  to  play  in  this  time  of  unparalleled  distresses  and  disas- 
ters? 

There  are  undoubtedly  some  things  upon  which  we,  as 
American  citizens,  may  dwell  with  real  satisfaction. 

(1)  The  hearts  of  our  people  have  nobly  responded  to  the 
cry  of  distress  from  Belgium  and  Servia  — vast  sums  of  money 
have  been  poured  out  without  stint  for  the  relief  of  those  suf- 
fering millions. 

(2)  We  may  also  contemplate  with  satisfaction  the  splen- 
did work  done  by  our  American  Red  Cross  on  the  fields  of 


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battle,  in  the  hospitals,  and  in  the  devastated  homes  of  the 
people. 

(3)  We  are  justly  proud  also  of  the  services  bravely  and 
impartially  rendered  by  our  Ambassadors  in  London,  in  Berlin, 
in  Brussels,  in  Paris,  in  Constantinople.  The  names  of  Whit- 
lock and  Herrick  and  Sharp  and  Girard  and  Morgenthau  and 
Page  are  worthy  of  all  honor.  They  have  shed  lustre  on  the 
American  name. 

(4)  With  even  greater  satisfaction  we  contemplate  the 
heroic  labors  of  our  medical  experts,  bravely  rendered,  often  at 
the  cost  of  life  itself,  fighting  the  battle  against  disease  in 
stricken  Servia.  For  all  these  things  we  are  proud  and  thank- 
ful. 

But  “ our  duty  to  ourselves  and  to  mankind  ” demanded 
much  more  than  this.  The  responsibilities  thrust  upon  us  by 
the  time  were  too  serious,  were  of  too  great  proportions,  to  be 
met  by  gifts  of  money,  or  by  brave  diplomatic  services,  or  even 
by  the  heroic  labors  of  philanthropy.  The  Thanksgiving  proc- 
lamation bids  us  “ be  thankful  that  we  have  been  able  to  assert 
our  rights  and  the  rights  of  mankind,”  and  it  must  be  acknowl- 
edged that  in  more  than  one  state  paper  they  have  been  asserted 
with  great  dignity  and  force  and  in  very  trenchant  English. 
But  our  duty  called  for  something  more  than  the  assertion  of 
the  rights  of  mankind,  and  our  own.  Have  we  performed  that 
duty? 

Consider.  We  allowed  the  neutrality  of  Belgium  to  be  vio- 
lated without  a word  of  protest.  We  saw  the  country  of  the 
Belgians  ruined  and  devastated,  its  ancient  hospitable  soil  sown 
with  thousands  of  tombs;  its  cities  burned ; its  peaceful  citizens 
shot  to  death  by  hundreds  and  thousands,  and  still  we  raised  no 
voice  of  protest.  We  were  powerless  indeed  to  stay  the  hand 
of  violence  and  cruelty  when  it  seized  the  throat  of  poor  little 
Belgium.  But  it  was  in  our  power  to  lift  up  our  voice  before 
the  civilized  world  against  this  brutal  and  unspeakable  crime. 
This  at  least  we  could  have  done,  but  this  we  failed  to  do,  and 
so  failed  of  our  high  duty  before  God  and  humanity.  And 
when  the  Belgian  commissioners  presented  the  wrongs  of  their 
crucified  nation  in  our  capitol  we  turned  them  away  with  icy 
phrases,  and  bid  them  present  their  case  to  the  Hague  tribunal ! 


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Passing  over  many  minor  matters,  I ask  did  we  do  our  duty 
to  ourselves  and  to  mankind  when  the  Lusitania  was  barbar- 
ously attacked  on  the  high  seas,  and  a thousand  human  beings, 
men,  women,  and  little  children,  sent  to  their  deaths?  We  did, 
indeed,  protest  against  this  deed  of  horror  and  inhumanity  in  a 
state  paper  which  has  seldom  been  equaled  in  diplomatic  his- 
tory. It  was  a brave  and  splendid  assertion,  not  only  of  the 
rights  of  American  citizens,  but  of  the  rights  of  humanity. 
When  we  read  it  our  hearts  leaped  up  in  thankfulness. 

It  was  not  long,  however,  before  other  vessels  bearing  Ameri- 
can citizens  were  torpedoed,  and  again  American  lives  were 
lost.  Once  more,  in  ringing  tones,  our  chief  magistrate  as- 
serted the  purpose  to  hold  to  “ strict  accountability  ” the  nation 
that  had  thus  outraged  the  dignity  of  the  United  States,  and 
destroyed  the  lives  of  our  citizens.  But  the  outrages  did  not 
cease. 

Again,  under  circumstances  of  peculiar  atrocity,  a peaceful 
merchant  ship  was  destroyed  and  American  lives  destroyed 
with  it.  Then  there  came  a brave,  stern  demand  that  these  in- 
famous acts  should  cease,  and  the  purpose  was  affirmed  in 
words  of  adamantine  force,  to  hold  the  guilty  nation  to  account 
for  its  crimes. 

Again  we  rejoiced  that  our  chief  magistrate  had  so  nobly  ex- 
pressed the  mind  and  purpose  of  the  nation.  Again  we  be- 
lieved that  those  brave  words  would  be  followed  by  deeds  as 
brave.  But  more  than  seven  long  months  have  passed  since 
the  Lusitania  horror  burst  upon  the  world,  and  still  nothing  has 
been  done  to  avenge  the  deaths  of  those  American  citizens,  men, 
women,  and  children,  ruthlessly  murdered  on  the  high  seas! 
Nothing  has  been  done  to  vindicate  the  insulted  majesty  of  our 
Republic  ! Our  words  have  been  of  adamant  — our  deeds  have 
not  crystallized,  — they  are  still  in  the  fluid  state  ! 

But  what  could  we  have  done,  it  may  be  asked.  Should  we 
have  declared  war  on  Germany?  No.  But  we  should  have 
broken  off  diplomatic  relations  with  a nation  that  had  thus 
wantonly  outraged  every  principle  of  humanity,  and  insulted 
the  majesty  of  the  Republic.  This  action  would  have  been  sup- 
ported by  a vast  majority  of  our  people.  Our  citizenship  had 
been  outraged ; our  national  dignity  defiantly  trampled  upon ; 


5 


and  our  whole  people  were  aroused  to  such  a pitch  of  indigna- 
tion that  the  government  would  have  been  sustained  by  an 
overwhelming  majority  in  vigorous  and  uncompromising  action. 

But  what,  it  may  be  asked,  would  have  been  accomplished  by 
breaking  off  diplomatic  relations  in  response  to  the  loud  de- 
mand of  our  citizens?  I answer,  several  things  of  great  mo- 
ment might  have  been  expected  to  result. 

In  the  first  place  we  should  have  consolidated  public  opinion. 
We  should  have  taken  a great  step  to  unify  our  nation.  We 
are  a composite  people;  many  races  mingle  their  tides  on  our 
shores.  It  should,  therefore,  have  been  one  of  the  supreme 
tasks  of  statesmanship  to  weld  these  peoples  into  one,  to  fuse 
together  these  diverse  elements. 

Again,  in  doing  so  we  should  have  banished  from  our  midst 
those  numerous  representatives  of  foreign  powers  who  are 
hostile  to  our  country,  and  we  should  have  broken  up  many 
nests  of  conspiracy,  where  representatives  of  alien  nations  have 
been  plotting  against  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  our  land.  We 
should  have  driven  into  their  holes  thousands  of  disloyal  citi- 
zens who  have  been  obeying  the  behests  of  foreign  powers 
while  still  clutching  the  privileges  of  American  citizenship. 

But  more  important  than  this,  we  should  have  vindicated  the 
honor  and  majesty  of  our  country.  We  should  have  given  ex- 
pression to  the  real  sentiments  of  nine-tenths  of  our  people. 
We  should  have  taken  our  stand  by  the  side  of  the  great  Dem- 
ocracies who  are  fighting  our  battles  today  against  the  encroach- 
ments and  usurpations  of  autocratic  tyranny.  And  we  should 
have  thrown  into  the  scale  the  immense  weight  of  our  influence, 
as  the  mightiest  neutral  power,  on  the  side  of  humanity  and  law 
and  liberty. 

But  it  will  be  said,  such  a course  might  have  led  to  war.  I 
answer,  not  necessarily  so.  Not  unless  Germany  saw  fit  to  de- 
clare war  against  us,  — which  it  is  not  likely  she  would  have 
done. 

But  suppose  it  might  have  led  to  war?  Is  a great  and  pow- 
erful nation  to  submit  to  insults  and  outrage  rather  than  run  the 
risk  of  war?  The  central  European  powers  have,  in  fact,  been 
levying  war  against  the  United  States  for  seven  months  past. 
They  have  been  attacking  our  industries,  thev  have  been  inter- 


6 


fering  with  our  domestic  affairs,  they  have  been  fomenting 
strikes,  they  have  plotted  to  blow  up  our  public  buildings,  to 
burn  our  factories,  to  blow  up  our  ships.  Read  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  and  see  how  small  were  England’s  acts  of  op- 
pression against  the  colonies  in  comparison  with  what  we  have 
endured  at  the  hands  of  the  central  Empires.  What  an  indict- 
ment Thomas  Jefferson  could  have  drawn  up,  were  he  with  us 
today,  against  Germany  and  Austria ! And  I ask,  should  we 
fail  of  our  duty  in  a great  world  crisis  when  the  blood  of  our 
citizens  cries  to  Heaven  for  vengeance  because  we  are  afraid  of 
the  consequences?  Where  is  the  spirit  of  ’?6,  when  thirteen 
feeble  colonies  did  not  hesitate  to  challenge  the  power  of  the 
mighty  English  empire  rather  than  submit  to  unjust  taxation 
— a tax  on  tea  ? 

Men  say,  “ What  could  America,  in  its  defenseless  condition, 
without  an  army,  and  with  so  small  a navy,  what  could  America 
do  against  the  mighty  armaments  of  Germany  and  Austria?” 
I answer,  what  could  Germany  and  Austria  do  against  America 
so  long  as  the  British  fleet  commands  the  seas?  They  could 
not  land  a soldier  on  our  shores!  The  most  they  could  do 
would  be  to  smuggle  a submarine  across  the  Atlantic  and  attack 
our  commerce. 

And  now  another  outrage  has  been  committed.  Another 
ship  (The  Ancona),  has  been  sunk,  and  as  American  citizens 
were  assassinated  on  the  Lusitania,  and  on  the  Arabic,  and  on 
the  Hesperian,  American  citizens  have  now  again  been  assas- 
sinated with  brutal  cruelty  on  board  the  Ancona. 

This  new  outrage  offers  a fresh  opportunity  to  our  Govern- 
ment, — not  to  speak,  or  to  write  dispatches,  — but  to  act  in  de- 
fense of  the  insulted  majesty  of  the  Republic.  We  trusted  our 
President.  We  were  ready  to  give  him  whole-hearted  support. 
We  expected  that  his  virile  assertion  of  the  rights  of  American 
citizens  and  of  the  rights  of  humanity  (which  so  stirred  our 
blood),  would  have  been  followed  by  action,  vigorous  action: 
but  after  watchfully  waiting  in  vain  for  seven  months,  we 
frankly  say  we  are  disappointed.  Will  we  be  disappointed 
now  ? 

In  my  opinion.  American  citizens  should  no  longer  keep  si- 

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lence.  We  have  patiently  waited  to  be  led  in  the  path  of  duty, 
but  we  have  waited  in  vain.  “ Hope  deferred  maketh  the  heart 
sick.”  We  ask  now,  not  for  strong  and  resolute  words,  but  for 
strong  and  resolute  action. 

Let  it  not  be  said  that  the  words  I have  uttered  this  morning 
are  not  fitting  in  the  Christian  pulpit.  I hold,  on  the  contrary, 
that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Christian  pulpit  to  denounce  the  sordid 
and  selfish  ideals  that  have  regard  only  to  trade  and  comfort 
and  peace.  The  Christian  pulpit  should  call  trumpet-tongued 
to  the  people  to  be  true  to  our  American  ideals ; true  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  liberty  and  justice  enshrined  in  our  history ; true  to  the 
great  principles  of  Democracy  embodied  in  our  Constitution. 

I remember  that  it  was  Mattathias,  the  priest,  who  fired  the 
hearts  of  the  Jews  to  resist  the  tyranny  of  Antiochus:  “My 
sons,  be  valiant  and  show  yourselves  men,”  he  cried.  It  was 
the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  who  headed  the  barons  at 
Runnymede  when  they  wrung  the  Magna  Charta  from  the 
tyrant  John . It  was  the  prophet  Ezekiel  who  was  charged  to 
watch  and  warn  the  people  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy. 

The  leaders  of  the  Christian  Church  have  often,  in  great  na- 
tional crises,  stood  forth  to  utter  the  people’s  voice  against 
tyrant  John.  It  was  the  prophet  Ezekiel  who  was  charged  to 
duty,  to  give  utterance  to  the  sentiments  which  I believe  throb 
in  many  hearts  in  our  country  today.  I make  my  own,  the 
words  recently  uttered  by  one  of  our  ablest  legal  lights  — “I 
venture  to  say,  in  all  reverence,  that  the  God  of  nations  will  be 
better  pleased  on  the  coming  Thanksgiving  Day,  — which 
should  also  be  one  of  penitence  and  humility  — if  we  do  a little 
more  in  fact,  as  well  as  in  words,  to  safeguard  the  rights  of 
humanity.” 

We  confront  today,  my  fellow  citizens  and  my  fellow  Chris- 
tians, the  most  serious  crisis  that  has  arisen  in  the  United  States 
for  half  a century.  It  is  a solemn  hour  in  which  we  live.  The 
honor  of  our  country  is  at  stake.  The  security  of  our  citizens 
on  the  high  seas  is  in  constant  jeopardy.  Our  domestic  peace 
is  invaded  by  the  agents  of  foreign  nations.  Arson  and  mur- 
der are  plotted  in  the  very  midst  of  our  peaceful  communities. 
Our  supine  policy  of  inaction  has  grieved  and  humiliated  the 
hearts  of  our  citizens.  A disloyal  press,  doing  the  bidding  of 


8 


foreign  nations,  boldly  flaunts  itself  before  our  eyes.  The  fires 
of  patriotism  are  burning  low  among  thousands  of  our  people. 
Meanwhile  our  country  has  suffered  serious  loss  of  prestige. 
The  name  of  American  citizen  no  longer  commands  the  respect 
it  once  did.  In  such  a crisis  our  citizens  have  a duty  to  per- 
form. They  should  frankly  express  their  sentiments,  and  I be- 
lieve that  the  great  majority  of  our  citizens,  practically  all  true 
Americans,  are  of  opinion  that  our  policy  should  be  governed 
in  this  great  crisis,  not  by  councils  of  timidity  or  international 
opportunism,  but  by  a steadfast  regard  to  the  aspirations  and 
ideals  handed  down  to  us  by  our  Revolutionary  ancestors ; by 
fidelity  to  the  principles  of  liberty  and  Democracy  enshrined  in 
our  Constitution ; by  a brave  determination  to  vindicate  the 
honor  and  majesty  of  the  Republic;  by  a stern  resolution,  at 
whatever  cost,  to  repel  the  open  or  secret  assaults  of  foreign 
powers  on  our  domestic  peace  and  harmony;  above  all,  by  loy- 
alty to  justice,  that  justice  which  should  dominate  all  the  moral 
forces;  that  justice  which  “ as  ancient  as  humanity  itself,  eter- 
nal as  the  need  of  man  and  nations,”  is  the  basis  of  all  civiliza- 
tion. 

Our  President  speaks  of  the  principles  of  “ peace  and  free- 
dom ” by  which  we  have  always  sought  to  be  guided ; but  I trust 
we  have  also  always  sought  to  be  guided  by  the  principles  of 
justice  and  humanity,  and  that  we  should  always  be  prepared  to 
assert  these  principles,  and  to  suffer  for  them  if  need  be. 

As  it  is  true  of  the  individual,  that  “ no  man  liveth  to  him- 
self,” so  it  is  true  of  a nation  — no  nation  can  afford  to  live  to 
itself.  It  must  consider  the  rights  and  happiness  of  other  na- 
tions. There  are  crises  in  the  history  of  a nation  when  the 
words  of  Christ,  “ he  that  saveth  his  life  shall  lose  it  ” find  their 
national  application.  Better  even  the  losses  and  the  sufferings 
of  war,  terrible  as  they  are,  than  the  loss  of  honor  — the  failure 
to  respond  to  our  national  ideals,  the  humiliation  of  our  national 
name.  Listen  to  the  brave  words  of  the  leader  of  the  bar  of 
Brussels  in  an  address  which  led  to  his  being  cast  into  a Prus- 
sian prison:  " Why  these  sacrifices,  why  this  sorrow?  Bel- 

gium could  have  avoided  these  disasters,  saved  her  existence, 
her  treasures,  and  the  lives  of  her  people,  but  she  preferred  her 
honor.” 


9 


In  conclusion  let  me  guard  myself  against  misunderstanding. 
God  forbid  that  I should  utter  a word  that  could  add  a feather’s 
weight  to  the  heavy  burden  that  rests  on  the  President’s  shoul- 
ders. 

All  true  Americans  should  wish  to  support  their  chief  mag- 
istrate and  to  labor  sympathetically  with  him  in  his  efforts  to 
grapple  with  the  difficult  tasks  that  confront  him  at  this  crisis. 

But  it  is  for  that  very  reason  that  we  appeal  to  him  to  adhere 
bravely  to  the  principles  he  has  so  clearly  enunciated  in  his 
diplomatic  correspondence  with  Germany.  We  are  confident 
that  a courageous  course  of  action,  just  in  line  with  his  strong 
and  patriotic  utterances  last  spring  and  summer,  would  lighten 
his  burden  and  clear  out  of  his  pathway  many  of  the  difficulties 
and  dangers  that  now  beset  it.  It  is  our  friendliness  to  him  — 
our  sincere  loyalty  — our  earnest  wish  that  he  should  overcome 
the  difficulties  that  face  him,  and  triumph  over  the  people  who 
are  at  once  his  enemies  and  the  enemies  of  our  country,  that 
moves  us  to  urge  upon  him  a different  course  from  that  which 
he  is  now  pursuing  — to  seize  the  opportunity  that  again  pre- 
sents itself  to  take  bold  and  decisive  action  in  vindication  of  the 
honor  of  our  country.  Is  it  too  much  to  ask  him  to  banish 
from  our  shores  the  plotters  and  conspirators  who,  wearing  the 
livery  of  foreign  nations,  and  accepted  as  representatives  of 
friendly  powers,  have  been  using  their  diplomatic  positions  as 
bases  whence  to  wage  war  against  the  peace  of  our  country? 

The  President  no  doubt  desires  to  know  the  sentiments  of 
the  people,  and  as  many  public  men  hesitate  to  speak  out,  and 
as  the  officers  of  the  Army  and  Navy  do  not  enjoy  the  right  of 
free  speech,  it  may  well  be  that  the  voice  of  the  pulpit  — which 
has  no  political  or  racial  bias  — will  have  unique  value  as  an 
expression  of  public  sentiment.  We  who  minister  in  the  things 
of  God  occupy  a position  of  detachment  — unaffected  by  the 
currents  of  politics  or  of  commercial  interests. 

The  people,  we  are  confident,  are  heartily  with  the  President 
in  his  patriotic  purpose  to  put  the  country  in  a state  of  prepara- 
tion against  any  attack  that  may  be  made  upon  it  by  a foreign 
power;  and  we  also  believe  that  the  people  would  be  just  as 
heartily  with  him,  if  he  should  justify  the  stern  purpose  ex- 
pressed in  his  last  Note  to  Germany  by  appropriate  action  now. 


10 


Are  You  an  American? 


Is  the  sale  of  a bale  of  cotton  of  more  Importance  to  you  than 
protection  of  American  lives? 

Are  you  content  with  cash  Indemnities  as  a full  equivalent  for  the 
lives  of  American  citizens? 

Are  you  willing  to  have  agitators  within  our  borders  mock  at  the 
sovereignty  of  the  United  States? 

Are  you  willing  to  surrender  your  country’s  right  to  purchase  arms 
In  its  hour  of  need  by  placing  now  an  embargo  on  the  export 
of  munitions? 


On  the  battlefields  of  Europe  they  are  fighting  out  the  Issue  between 
world-domination  by  Prussia  and  the  independent  existence 
of  the  nations  of  the  world — between  the  subjugation  of  the 
people  by  bureaucratic  power  and  the  freedom  of  the  individual. 
In  this  struggle  all  the  ideals  and  rights  for  which  our  forefathers 
fought  in  1776  are  at  stake. 

If  Prussia  wins ! 

It  is  time  for  the  American  people  to  see  and  understand  ihe  dangers 
lurking  in  the  policy  of  indifference  and  aloofness  which  is  urged 
upon  them. 


If  you  believe  that  our  country  should  rouse  itself  to  action,  and  If 
you  desire  to  contribute  to  the  expenses  of  a movement  to  that 
end,  communicate  with  the 


AMERICAN  RIGHTS  COMMITTEE, 

45  Cedar  Street,  New  York  City. 


GEORGE  HAVEN  PUTNAM,  L 

President. 

WILLIAM  EMERSON, 
Treasurer. 


L.  L.  FORMAN 
Secretary'. 


EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE: 


Everett  V.  Abbot,  Chairman, 


Lawrence  Godkin, 
Charles  P.  Howland, 
Richard  M.  Hurd, 

D.  W.  Johnson, 

H.  de  Raasloff, 


Lawrence  F.  Abbott, 
W.  K.  Brice, 


Frederic  R.  Coudert, 
Franklin  H.  Giddings, 


igs,  H 

James  B.  Townsend. 


The  American  Rights  Committee 

45  CEDAR  STREET  NEW  YORK  CITY 

What  it  Advocates 

1.— That  the  United  States  Government  termi- 
nate its  futile  and  humiliating  negotiations 
as  to  submarine  outrages  and  break  off  all 
diplomatic  relations  with  Germany  and  its 
Allies. 

2—  That  the  United  States  sternly  suppress  all 
attacks  on  the  lives  and  property  of  Amer- 
ican citizens  in  aid  of  foreign  belligerents. 

3 — That  the  United  States  make  its  Naval  and 
Military  establishments  commensurate  with 
its  obligations  to  itself  and  others. 

4, — That  Congress,  in  accordance  with  the  Amer- 
ican Note  to  Austria,  decline  to  pass  any 
Act  placing  an  embargo  on  the  export  of 
Munitions  of  War. 


GEORGE  HAVEN  PUTNAM.  L.  L.  FORMAN. 

WILLIAM  EMERSON. 

Treasurer. 

EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE: 

Everett  V.  Abbot,  Chairman. 

i if  Charles  P.  Howland. 

Lawrence  Godkin. 


